03/15/09

翼報     翼樂源

Max Weber, the Protestant Ethic, and the Economy in China 

Theodore Tin-Yee Hsieh
Department of Psychology
Judson University, Elgin IL 60123
   thsieh@judsonU.edu

 

This is a paper presented at|
The National Social Science Association Meeting
Las Vegas, NV
April 5-8, 2008

 

 

     

 

 

                      Chinese academics are increasingly interested in uncovering the differences between the market economy practiced in the  United States under a democratic political system and the market economy practiced in China under the communist political system. This paper examines the concerns expressed by a young Chinese government economist, Zhao Xiao, and his observation of the fundamental differences between the   “market economies with churches and market economies without churches.” 

Last year on my way back to Chicago from China, I couldn’t help noticing Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism in both English and Chinese on display front and center in the airport book store in Shanghai.  A sales clerk told me that the Chinese edition has been a best seller for several years among the university teachers and students in China.  Many of them would buy both English and Chinese versions for comparison.  A casual Google search of “Max Weber economist” yields 415,000 references, “Max Weber sociologist” 1,240,000; and “Max Weber Chinese economy” 919,000.  There seems to be a massive interest on both sides of the Pacific in Weber’s theory on the religious impact on the development of modern capitalism. In light of the practice of capitalism without Protestant Ethic in the blooming economy in China, there is a good reason for this developing interest of the Weber thesis at this particular time. 

Considered by many as a social science masterpiece, Weber’s book is described as “the most famous sociological tract ever written” by the international political economist Francis Fukuyama.1  The book has also been subjected to serious criticism for some 90 years.  Many scholars disagree with Weber’s view and some question his methodology.2   And still others tend to fault his giving religion, especially the Protestantism, too much credit in the development of capitalist economy in the West.This article will not address the controversy of the Weber thesis.  Instead, the article will delineate three prominent themes found in Weber’s book and use them as a backdrop in a discussion of current Chinese economy and business practices. 

On January 22, 2007, Time Magazine proclaims on its cover “China: Dawn of a New Dynasty.”4  The article describes the China’s economic success as “astonishing,” declares it “already a commercial giant, and predicts the 21st century as the Chinese Century, just as Newsweek did in its May 9, 2005, cover.5   

Barely seven months after the Time story, Business Week put a broken plate of China on its cover.  “Can China be Fixed?” is its special report.6  In it, the article gives an accounting of dangerous products produced by the spectacular Chinese manufacturing machine, the endemic corruption even at her highest bureaucratic level, and the spreading environmental crisis.7  Experts inside and outside of China tend to agree that there are dangers on a spectacular scale in the Chinese economic system in spite of her equally spectacular productive power.  What lessons can be learned from these changing headlines about Chinese economy?  To what extent is Weber’s notion of the Protestant ethic helpful in understanding the critical situations in China? 

The current economic system in China is an adoption of Western capitalism under a Marxist/socialist political structure.  Because the term “capitalism” is antipathy to the Marxism historically, the Chinese Communist Party, in control of China through a one-party system, chose the term Market Economy to describe the 180-degree turnaround when China discarded the socialist economic system in 1978 under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping.  A brief history of the economic life under the old system before 1978 is necessary to achieve a measure of understanding of the complicated problems facing China today. 

The Chinese Economic System 

Less than twenty years ago in 1990, historian Julia Ching was asking this rhetorical question: Why has China remained so poor?She then related an incident in 1988 when a research team was sent to investigate the financial conditions in Xinguo, Jiangxi, a prefecture where Mao Zedong had personally conducted an investigation into the lives of poor peasants in October, 1930, during the days when he was directing Communist activities there.  The researchers found that little had changed in these families after the passage of fifty-eight years and thirty-nine years under the Communist rule since 1949.  All eight families investigated still struggle under the poverty line, living in debt after yielding their crop allotment to the government.  In 1930, the six persons questioned by Mao had gone to school for an average of 5.25 years.  In 1988, the nine individuals questioned had gone to school for an average of 5.1 years.9  Twenty-eight years of socialist economy under a communist government had not improved the life of peasants. 

Mao Zedong, of course, had a vision of an egalitarian communist utopia when the People’s Republic of China was established in 1949.  The Korean War in 1950 delayed his land reforms but agricultural cooperatives abolishing land ownership were introduced as soon as the war was concluded in 1953.  In just a few years, farm production fell by 40 percent in a country that had historically been struggling to feed itself even in good harvest years.  In 1958, Mao began his Great Leap Forward campaign by forcing citizens to turn in any metal from homes including bicycles and cooking pots and melting them down in backyard furnaces to make steel.  He also formalized the system of communes of about ten thousand people each in the countryside as agricultural and industrial production units.  These revolutionary policies in the name of communism between1959 to 1962 led to a famine that claimed more than twenty millions lives.10 

It is important to understand the economies of the commune system because the current system of Market Economy bears a high degree of its resemblance and therein the same seed of its problems.   

Within Mao’s Great Leap Forward program, the local Communist Party members had the total control of the communes in terms of what crops to plant and when and where.  In return, commune workers were promised food, medical care and other necessities.  Each commune was to turn over about a third of the grain harvested to the state as a form of tax used to feed the cities.  But the ambitious local Party members in charge, in competition with each other, reported wildly inflated harvest to please Mao by confirming that his collectivization was a brilliant idea.  But the grain levy based on the imaginary harvest was so high that some of the communes had to turn in all their grain to the state and still failed to meet quota.  As the workers starved, the cadres won praise.11  Also, during this same period, many farmers were told to produce steel instead of taking in the harvest, letting good grain rot in the fields.12  As shall be seen later, it is this same ambition of the local government officials to meet the centrally-planned economic goals that would lead to all kinds of corruptions, defective and dangerous products and ecological disasters.13 

The apparent disaster of the Great Leap Forward and collectivization led to a series of internal struggle within the Communist Party.  As Mao’s support within the party waned, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was introduced by his supporters (led by Mao’s wife, Jiang Qing) to purge his potential political rivals.  Those in disagreement with Mao were labeled bourgeoisie anti-revolutionary intellectuals or “capitalist roaders.”  They included many of Mao’s comrades during the Long March years (1934-35) such as Peng Dehuai, Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao and Deng Xiaoping.  Millions of young people roamed the country as Red Guards to do the purging.14  Schools and universities were closed, books and arts burned, churches and temples destroyed and contacts with the outside world severed.  The only education allowed was Mao’s Little Red Book and Party propaganda.  The country was in ruin.15  Mao’s death in 1976 signaled the end of the Cultural Revolution.  In 1978, Deng Xiaoping reemerged as the head of China.  This France-educated communist who was twice purged by the Maoists for being a “Capitalist-roader,” realized that something drastic would have to be done  He began the economic reform by opening the market in China to the West.16 

The moving from the centrally-planned socialist economy to a market-oriented economy contributes to an amazing change in China, from a third world country that was not able to feed itself as recently as 1980 to become the “factory of the world.”  China in 2007 is not only the world’s biggest exporter of manufactured goods but also of agricultural products.17  This turnaround is due to the change in economic policy under Deng Xiaoping.  How did he do it? 

The speed of the turnaround and of the economic changes in China is truly historically un-precedent. President Jimmy Carter officially recognized China on January 1, 1979.  On January 28, Deng flew to Washington, D.C. for a state visit that would include visits to Atlanta’s Coca Cola Company, Houston’s astronaut training center, and Seattle’s Boeing product facilities.18  He was practically taking a field trip on this capitalism heart-land where, in the words of Weber, the pursuit of wealth had reached its highest development.19 Deng had no time to waste and he would lead China to move forward as if “to compress the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the Industrial Revolution into a single decade.”20 

As soon as Deng returned to China, four Special Economic Zones were established in Southern Chinese provinces of Guangdong and Fujian.  They were carefully chosen for their geographical locations in order to attract foreign investment and foster export trade while limiting foreign influences to the coastal areas.21  Shenzhen, a sleepy fishing village of several hundred people just north of Hong Kong, still a British colony at the time, would soon become a great business and commercial center of ten millions.  Zhuhai borders on Macao, a Portuguese colony since 1557, where over 450,000 people were packed in an area a little larger than six square miles.  Overshadowed for years by Hong Kong but surviving nicely from its legal gambling business, Macao prospers since it was returned to China in 1999.  In 2006, the amount of money waged in its casinos totaled greater than that in Las Vegas for the first time in history.  Shantou and Xiamen are across straight from Taiwan and designed as partners in trade with the prosperous island.22   By 2006, China has hundreds of central-government-regulated economic zones like the four mentioned above and thousands more regulated by local governments. 23 

The economic growth in China is fueled by a phenomenal inflow of foreign investment.  Companies from America and Europe are not just attracted by the cheap labor in China.  They are also attracted by the huge market of 1.3 billion people.  China not only keeps the price low for American consumers but it also cut the expense of American business by 40%.  Wal-Mart not only imports goods from China to sell them less expensively to Americans at discount, it also opens up stores and sells China-made goods to the larger and larger middle-class Chinese.  The Newsweek reports that Wal-Mart alone imported $18 billion worth of goods from China in 2004 and of 6,000 of its suppliers, 80% were in China.24  

An Internal Expression of Concern 

Zhao Xiao is considered one of the most active and influential young economists in China today. 25  He is a government economist, currently serving in the Chinese State Department as the director of macro-economic research in Beijing. But the most significant contribution to the theme of this article is not Zhao’s many writings but a brief essay of his reflections on a visit to the United States published on a blog. 26  In 2002, Zhao spent several months in the United States. In his own words, he was looking for the differences between Chinese and American society. 

           Roaming in North America was for the purpose of reading a wordless book, to

           have the chance to gaze at the heavens from a foreign land. In that country that has

           the most prosperous material civilization in the history of human society, a

           question that frequently occupied my thoughts was, where does the greatest

           differences between China and America lie? 27

 

While he admits that China lags behind America in skyscrapers, in wealth 28, in science and technology, in the financial strength, and political and legal systems; he concludes the ultimate difference is not in these areas but in churches. “Only in this area is the difference between China and America not a question of numbers, but rather an essential difference between presence and absence.” 29 In a market economy without churches, Zhao further reflects, it is able to discourage idleness but it cannot discourage people from lying or causing harm. In fact, the market economy without churches like the one in China “may entice people to be industrious in their lies, industrious in bringing harm to others, and to pursue wealth by any means…. To a degree, China’s market economy currently has fallen into this trap. In the mind of a majority of Chinese people is the simple understanding that the market economy means getting rich, and to get rich any means may be used.” 30  Is Chinese economy trapped in a different kind of “iron cage?” 31 

Zhao did not illustrate with examples of the means commonly used to get rich in present-day China. But he did not have to. Social observers are familiar with the steep price paid with human lives and in social relationship, in environment and in consumer protection for the tremendous economic growth and the philosophy of growth at all cost. 32  The main problem is that the economy in China is not actually capitalism but a mixture of government-planned and government-owned economy with market orientation. The current economic system has as its model Mao’s Great Leap Forward program discussed in previous section. Local party officials are given great latitude in managing economic development. Beijing has only two requirements: party loyalty and high economic-growth targets. An official’s annual performance is based on GDP growth. So there is the same intensity of competition among China’s 657 municipalities, 2,867 counties, and 41,636 townships in meeting the economic targets in 2007 as the competing communes in meeting their harvest quota in 1957. To get businesses, the cadres would offer potential investors with various perks in the forms of cheap credit, free land, easy license, exemptions from regulations and protection from competitors. In return, they receive graft and kickbacks. More business activities they can generate, more opportunities for graft and kickbacks. Many of these local party members are called “local emperors” to describe their great power in making life miserable or easy for people doing business in their sphere of influence. 33 Although almost 30,000 officials were prosecuted for corruption in 2006 alone, this bureaucratic economic machine is so deeply entrenched that the central government in Beijing seems impotent in reforming it. With worldwide publicity of unsafe products as a backdrop, Premier Wen Jiabao labeled the Chinese economy “unstable, unbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable” in March, 2007. 34 Perhaps it is with a dramatic vision of prophecy that Zhao Xiao laments in 2003 about the future of a “market economy without churches”: 

            From the groans of present-day China’s market economy, we can see that danger

            draws near. We have already bid farewell to humanity’s most costly planned

            system, but because we lack a reasonable set of market ethics, we may be trapped

            in humanity’s most costly market system. 35

 

Can Protestant Ethic Work in China?  

In his 2007 book, Democratic Capitalism and Its Discontents, Brian Anderson argues that religious traditions and institutions, specifically Christianity and Judaism, provide egalitarian capitalist societies with the moral and spiritual stability.36 In a high-paced, competitive capitalist/market economy, a cooperative ethic of goods and service is essential in establishing a voluntary and stable rational social order. This religiously-derived ethic seems to be more essential in the vast emerging world such as China where the traditional controls and hierarchies are somewhat removed in favor of a freer market economy. 

According to a Business Week article, three daunting issues are facing China: dangerous products, endemic corruption, and spreading eco-crisis.37  But dangerous products and spreading eco-crisis are rooted in endemic corruption which, in turn, is rooted in a lack of basic honesty and a self-centered willingness to do harm to others and the environment.38  As practiced in the United States, Democratic Capitalism, as Anderson calls it,39 is not perfect. But the capitalism’s religious foundation prevents widespread dishonesty and corruption as witnessed in China.40 

A change of religion from Catholicism to Protestantism, according to Weber, gave birth to the “spirit of capitalism.”  Weber used the term “worldly asceticism” (the Protestant ethic) to describe the fundamental change in thought and behavior about work and money.41  He called it “worldly” because the change represented a movement from the other-worldly monastery in Catholicism to this-worldly marketplace in Protestantism. 

                Christian asceticism, at first fleeing from the world into solitude,

                had already ruled the world which it had renounced from the

                monastery and through the Church. But it had, on the whole, left

                the naturally spontaneous character of daily life in the world

                untouched. Now it strode into the market-place of life, slammed

                the door of the monastery behind it, and undertook to penetrate

                just that daily routine of life with its methodicalness, to fashion

                it into a life in the world, but neither of nor for the world.42 

Weber’s Protestant ethic as related to work and money consisted essentially three elements: hard work, thrift, and individual salvation. Weber followed the doctrine of predestination taught by Protestant Reformer John Calvin. Basically, Calvinism taught that God predestined some people to be saved from hell. Church membership or a felt relationship with God could not guarantee their salvation. So, how could Calvinists know for sure that they were saved? They could never be sure except that they could reduce their intense anxiety by living as if they were predestined to heaven— by working hard to create wealth to prove God’s blessings on them and by living a moral life in frugality. The wealth accumulated through hard work and the money saved through frugal living provided the capital for investment, which led to a surge in business expansion and production. Weber, based on various writings by the Protestant theologians, made the following observations (emphases added): 

                           For the saints’ everlasting rest is in the next world; on

                           earth man must, to be certain of his state of grace, “do

                           the works of him who sent him, as long as it is yet day.”

                           Not leisure and enjoyment, but only activity serves to

                           increase the glory of God, according to the definite

                           manifestations of His will.43

 

                           Waste of time is thus the first and in principle the deadliest

                           of sins. The span of human life is infinitely short and

                           precious to make sure of one’s own election. Loss of time

                           through sociability, idle talk, luxury, even more

                           sleep than is necessary for health, six to at most eight hours,

                           is worthy of absolute moral condemnation.44

 

                           Labour is, on the one hand, an approved ascetic technique,

                           as it always has been in the Western Church, in sharp contrast

                           not only to the Orient but to almost all monastic rules the

                           world over.45

 

                           Man is only a trustee of the goods which have come to him

                           through God’s grace. He must, like the servant in the parable,

                           give an account of every penny entrusted to him, and it is at

                           least hazardous to spend any of it for the purpose which does

                           not serve the glory of God but only one’s own enjoyment.46

 

                           [A]sceticism condemned both dishonesty and impulsive

                           avarice…. [T]he religious valuation of restless, continuous,

                           systematic work in a worldly calling, as the highest means to

                           asceticism, and at the same time the surest and most evident

                           proof of rebirth and genuine faith, must have been the most

                           powerful conceivable lever for the expansion of that attitude

                           toward life which we have here called the spirit of capitalism.47

 

Clearly, the Protestant ethic of hard work, thrift, and individual salvation that led to capitalism has been fading. Weber was able to make in the early 20th Century his rather prophetic observation: 

                           To-day the spirit of religious asceticism…has escaped from

                           the cage….In the field of its highest development, in the

                           United States, the pursuit of wealth, stripped of its religious

                           and ethical meaning, tends to become associated with purely

                           mundane passions, which often actually give it the character

                           of sport. 48 

 Anyone who has followed the cable business television CNBC will be able to see immediately the sport analogy of the mundane passions in the pursuit of money. It is also interesting to contrast the frantic pace of money-making in China today with the previously “ascetic” Communist planned economy. Amazingly, in a brief visit to the United States, a young Chinese economist, born and trained in an atheistic socialist system, was able to see the fundamentally different way in wealth accumulation between the “market economies with churches” and the “market economies without churches.” Although capitalism has long been dismissed as a corrupted system of the west by many social scientists beginning with Karl Marx, as least from one perspective as presented in this paper, capitalism, properly understood and practiced within the framework of its Protestant root, might just be an antidote for the illness of the “market economics without churches” in China. 

References

 

  1. Francis Fukuyama, The Calvinist Manifesto (http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/13/books/review/013FUKUYA.html). In this New York Times Sunday Book Review essay commemorating the 100th anniversary of Weber’s book, Fukuyama also writes that “It is safe to say that most contemporary economists do not take Weber’s hypothesis, or any other culturalist theory of economic growth, seriously. Many maintain that culture is a residual category in which lazy social scientists take refuge when they can’t develop a more rigorous theory.”
  1. See, for example, Richard Hamilton, The Social Misconstruction Reality (Yale University Press, 1996).
  1. This argument, in various forms, has been made from R.H. Tawney on. But the conclusions tend to be less than conclusive as exemplified in Tawney’s own words: “Both ‘the capitalist spirit’ and “Protestant ethics,’ therefore, were a good deal more complex than Weber seems to imply.” R. H. Tawney, Riligion and the Rise of Capitalism (New York: Mentor Books, 1926/1954), note 22, 262. A helpful summary of comments made by various authors can be found in James M. Henslin, Sociology: A Down-To-Earth Approach 8th Edition (Boston: Pearson Allyn and Bacon, 2007), 10-11, 175-176, and 524-525. In only a few studies using empirical data, James Bradford De Long of Harvard, in an unpublished manuscript (March, 1989), uses relative 1979 per capita income levels between seven historically Protestant nations and seven historically Catholic nations to show the effect of Protestant ethic:

        United States (P)   $16,880                   Italy           $9,102

        Canada (P)            $15,486                   Spain          $8,735

        Sweden (P)            $13,566                   Ireland       $7,182

        Norway (P)            $13,321                  Argentina   $6,417

        Australia (P)          $12,673                   Portugal     $5,853

        Finland (P)            $11,603                   Uruguay     $5,134

        New Zealand (P)   $9,719                     Chile          $4,808         

  1. Time Magazine, China: dawn of the new dynasty (January 22, 2007).
  1. Newsweek, China’s century: special report (May 9, 2005).
  1. The Business Week, Can China Be fixed? (July 23, 2007), 38-48.
  1. “The Growing Dangers of the China Trade.” Time Magazine, July 9, 2007. This special report provides an analysis of high-profile recalls of tainted pet food, toothpaste, toys and tires in the preceding weeks.
  1. Julia Ching, Probing China’s Soul: Religion, Politics, and Protest in the People’s Republic (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1990), 58.
  1. Reported on June 11, 1989 in Wen Wei Po, a traditionally pro-Communist  

   newspaper in Hong Kong, and cited by Julia Ching.

  1. Jonathan D. Spence, The Searching for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), 574-583.
  1. For many detail accounts of famine and starvation during the Cultural Revolution years, see Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts: Mao’s Secret Famine (New York: Free Press, 1996).
  1. Jonathan D. Spence (1990), 580-581.
  1. For comments on and analysis of various reported cases, see Fang Zhenghui, ed., Stories of China’s Reform and Opening-Up (Zhenzhen: Story of China Publishing, 2004).
  1. See two well-reviewed personal accounts of life during Cultural Revolution, Nien Cheng, Life and Death in Shanghai (New York: Grove Press, 1986), and Jiang Ji-Li, Red Scarf Girl: A Memoir of the Cultural Revolution (New York: Harper-Collins, 1997). Waiting (New York: Vintage International, 1999) is a novel by National Book award winning author Ha Jun. All three books contain rich descriptions of economic life during the period.
  1. Jonathan D. Spence, 602-617.
  1. In a speech delivered at the United Nation in 1974, the always pragmatic Deng made a critical modification of the closed-door policy long-held by the Communist Chinese: “Self-reliance in no way means ‘self-seclusion’ and rejection of foreign aid. We have always considered it beneficial and necessary for the development of the national economy that countries should carry on economic and technical exchanges on the basis of respect for state sovereignty, equality and mutual benefit, and the exchange of needed goods to make up for each other’s deficiencies” (Cited in Jonathan D. Spence, 641). Later, Deng was also given credit for making a most ideology-free statement about why it was appropriate for Communist China to adopt the most-hated capitalism: “It does not matter whether it is a white cat or a black cat as long as it can catch mice.”
  1. The Economist, Reaching for a renaissance: a special report on China and its region (March 31st, 2007), 10-12.
  1. Jonathan D. Spence, 659.
  1. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: Routledge Classic, 1930/2001), 124.
  1. Time Magazine, The second revolution: Deng’s reforms are taking China on a courageous if uncharted course (September 23, 1985), 43.
  1. Jonathan D. Spence, 647.
  1. Time Magazine (September 23, 1985), 45.
  1. South China Morning Post, Beijing Loosens Grip on Economic Zones (April 5, 2006). South China Morning Post is the leading English language daily in Hong Kong.
  1. Newsweek, China’s century: does the future belong to China? (May 9, 2006), 28-29. Wal-Mart, world’s largest corporation in terms of capitalization, is but one of many thousands of Western businesses that anticipate China to become their biggest market within a decade, not just producers of their goods for customers in the West. The Dutch Royal Philips Electronics has not only shifted a large part of its production to China, China has also become the largest market of it products. That’s because Shanghai alone has over 17 million people, the same number of people as Philips entire home country of Holland. How China has made Philips, one of the largest and most historic companies in the world, shift its business paradigm is a fascinating story told in the book by the foreign correspondent for Forbes, Robyn Meredith, in The Elephant and the Dragon: the Rise of India and China and What it Means for All of Us (New York: Norton, 2007).
  1. See http://www.ciweekly.com/ciweekly/html/2004nee/zhaoxiao.shtml.
  1. See http://www.doctor-cafe.com/detail1.asp?id=1153. The Doctor-Café is a website maintained by a group of important young Chinese economists. Since it was first published on February 25, 2003, Zhao’s article titled “Market economics with churches and market economics without churches” has created a cult following.
  1. Zhao Xiao, Market economies with churches and market economies without churches, 1. This translation is taken from the most common version circulating online. It appears to be based on the version published in an anthology titled Insights into Chinese Economic Sector with several passages deleted from Zhao’s original version in Chinese on the Doctor-Café website. In this article, both Danwei version in English and the Doctor-Café version in Chinese are used. The English version may be found in http://www.danwei.org/business/churches_and_the_market_economic.php.
  1. Zhao Xiao here uses a 2002 data ($840 versus $34,100 in per-capita GDP between China and America) to illustrate the considerable gap between the two countries. But he feels that China’s personal income levels are swiftly increasing and the large gap is not what makes the difference between China and the United States.
  1. Zhao Xiao, 3.
  1. Zhao Xiao, 3-4. It is of interest that Zhao, an intellectual elite schooled in the atheistic China, would identify honesty as an integral part of the “market economy with churches.” Weber quotes Benjamin Franklin at length at the beginning of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism “in order to see that the essential elements of the attitude which was there called the spirit of capitalism.” (Weber, 123). But Weber also recognizes that Franklin treated honesty in a utilitarian way as one of the virtues like punctuality, industry and frugality without religious basis (Weber, 17). But those Puritan worldly ascetic virtues, treated without religious basis, had died away by Franklin’s time, as Weber sees it. In his reflection on the “market economy with churches” during his visit of the United States, Zhao obviously sees honesty as a part of the Protestant ethic.
  1. Max Weber introduces the “iron cage” concept referring to a kind of rule-based rational control that traps the individuals. The source of this concept is found in the final chapter of his book: “In Baxter’s view the care for external goods should only lie on the shoulders of the ‘saint like a light cloak, which can be thrown aside at any moment.’ But fate decreed that the cloak should become an iron cage” (Weber, 123). And then Weber goes on to make a rather prophetic observation that describes the present business world: “In the field of its highest development, in the United States, the pursuit of wealth, stripped of its religious and ethical meaning, tends to become associated with mundane passion, which often actually give it the character of sport” (Weber, 124). It does not take long for one to see the sport analogy when watching the CNBC business channel. It is also interesting to compare the frantic pace of money-making in China today with the previously ascetic Communist rule.
  1. See Robyn Meredith, 31. Meredith cites how the farmers were deprived of their livelihood because factories were built on their land with little compensation. Filthy water and polluted air caused an estimated 400,000 premature deaths per year. Nearly 5,000 coal miners died in 2006 in China compared with 47 in the United States. All these horrific but preventable tragedies were blamed on local officials taking bribes to ignore safety violations.
  1. Many of these examples appear in Time, The growing dangers of the China trade (July 9, 2007), 22-25 and 28-31 and The Business Week, Can China be fixed? (July 23, 2007), 40-42.
  1. Reported in The Business Week, Can China be fixed? (July 23, 2007), 41.
  1. Zhao Xiao, Market economies with churches and market economies without churches, 6.
  1. Brian C. Anderson is the editor of the Manhattan Institute’s City Journal. His book, Democratic Capitalism and Its Discontents was published in 2007 by Intercollegiate Studies Institute in Wilmington, Delaware. The book itself is a collection of essays and set against the triumphant antireligious secularism in American liberal social and political culture during the 1960’s. Anderson argues that the capitalist marketplace is a uniquely American phenomenon, and a uniquely American success, following the observations made by Alexis de Tocqueville of “democracy in America” in 1835 but not the arguments made by Weber in 1920/1930 on behalf of the Protestant Ethic.
  1. Business Week, Can China Be Fixed? July 23, 2007.
  1. See Zhao Xiao as discussed in previous section.
  1. Brian C. Anderson, Democratic Capitalism and Its Discontents (Wilmington, DE: Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 2007).
  1. This point was inferred from Francis Fukuyama (“The Calvinist Manifesto,” 2005) and from Zhao Xiao’s article. Max Weber’s “ascetic Protestantism” was the original source and will be discussed further in the following sections.
  1. See the chapters on “The religious foundations of worldly asceticism” (pp. 53-101) and “Asceticism and the spirit of capitalism” (pp. 102-125) in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism for the development of Weber’s argument.
  1. Weber, 101.
  1. Weber, 104.
  1. Weber, 104.
  1. Weber, 105.
  1. Weber, 114.
  1. Weber, 116.
  1. Weber, 124.
 

 

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